In practical application, the case-study chapters - which are enjoyable to read and highly accessible - suggest that religion and politics can refer to ideas and ideologies (whether orthodox, heterodox, or syncretic), institutions (from agencies of the state and political parties, to charities and non-governmental organizations), and individual actors who embody specific interests (Kemal Ataturk, for example, or David Ben Gurion).
The meaning of religious ideas, in other words, is mediated by the forms of life (Wittgenstein) or the spheres of understanding (Kierkegaard) in which these ideas acquire their force as "regulative" principles. [...] what is being said religiously-the content of religious ideas-cannot be fully understood apart from religious ways of tninking, just as the reality of obligations cannot be understood apart having developed a moral conscience. Because these clarifications are essential to a more profound understanding of faith and because Wittgenstein says that such clarification is a condition for any profound understanding of life, she concludes that Wittgenstein and Kierkegaard shared comparable conceptions of philosophy and its relation to faith.-John H. Whittaker, Louisiana State Uni...
The selections are drawn from Kelly's invaluable Collected Writings of Rousseau and for the first time offer an affordable English translation of some of his most important essays, including his Letter to Beaumont, Fiction, or Allegorical Fragment on Revelation, and the Moral Letters.
Madelung's authoritative account of the tangled Quraysh family events, rendered in a magisterial piece of scholarship, The Succession to Muhammad, is peerless. [...] what were the roles played by several family members, including 'Aishah, in all of these tragic developments?
In Part three, Ramadan presents his alternative "geography of the sources of law," in which he argues that the "Universe, the social and human context, has never been considered as a self-standing source of law and of its production," but the conditions of contemporary times require "acknowledging that the world, its laws, and areas of specialized knowledge not only shed light on scriptural sources but also constitute a source of law on their own" (pp. 82-83). In Chapter ten, Ramadan presents his vision of "applied Islamic ethics" in which the effort is to create a holistic ethic to be articulated jointly by experts in the text sciences and in the "context sciences.
According to a version of history that has been promoted by Gilles Kepel, among others, in his widely read Jihad: [...] Hudaybi defends the rights of the individual members of society to exercise opposition to the powers that be, according to the Qur'anic injunction to "enjoin good and forbid evil" (al-amr bil-ma'ruf wa'l-nahy 'an al-munkar).
[...] the decline of liberalism and nationalism - however misapplied or misunderstood in the Arab world - can be attributed to their failure to "represent the interests of society as a whole; they represented the interests of only one social class or another" (pp. 8, 31). [...] all three ideologies - liberalism, nationalism, and Islamism - "have failed because they have all remained within the sphere of capitalism" (p. 152). [...] one arrives at the most "endemic" of social contradictions - "structural poverty and inequality and cyclical instability"- which Aksikas blames entirely on capitalism (p. 155).
Monsutti's thick ethnographic descriptions of Muharram rituals among the Hazara are driven by extensive field research (in Quetta and in Afghanistan) and an eclectic understanding of regional history and ethnology. The uneven quality and variety of topics covered in this volume are in part a reflection of the paucity of our knowledge about Shi'a minorities in Sunni dominated states.
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