Colombia supplies up to 80% of the world's cocaine, and about 70% of the cocaine that enters the United States. Production has been steadily rising (up nearly 20%) in the past 15 years, despite the successful eradication efforts in neighboring Bolivia and Peru. The Colombian government has recently attempted to counteract this by offering a subsidy to farmers who switch to legal crops such as maize and yucca, but illegal crops remain by far the most lucrative of all the agricultural products in Colombia. Since he took office in May 2002, Colombia's President Alvaro Uribe has upped the effort to eliminate the power of the industry. His government has been engaged in talks to negotiate an end to the 40-year, drug-related civil war with the two biggest paramilitary organizations in Colombi...
... in Colombia, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia and the left-wing Revolutionary Armed ...
BOGOTA, Colombia - Colombia's outlawed right-wing paramilitary groups agreed Thursday to move into a special zone as they negotiate eventual demobilization, government officials said. Peace Commissioner Luis Carlos Restrepo signed the pact Thursday with commanders of the anti-guerrilla United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, or AUC, at a paramilitary stronghold in northwest Colombia, Vice President Francisco Santos said.
Consider the record of Alvaro Uribe, president of Colombia, since his election in 2002. A deal with paramilitary forces has resulted in more than 31,000 fighters surrendering their weapons. By boosting the size and strength of security forces and going after the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), Mr. Uribe was able to reduce the guerilla's presence in central Colombia. The country is safer - the annual murder count, on a steady increase before Mr. Uribe took office, has declined by more than one-third - and Colombia is more prosperous. The rate of increase in gross domestic product has gone up. Throughout his tenure, moreover, Mr. Uribe has been a strong U.S. ally in a region without many. With these positive steps, it's little surprise that Mr. Uribe enjoys solid approval r...
I The State of Affairs in Colombia: Amnesty, Impunity, and Governmental Efforts to Regain Control - II Colombia's History: A Violent Past, ongoing Carnage, and Hope for the Future? - A Colombia's Political Violence: "La Violencia" and its Sordid Repercussions - B Colombia's Political Violence: The End of "La Violencia" and the Rise to Power of the Vehement Non-State Actors - III The Law Of Justice And Peace: A Precarious Balance Between Impunity and Upholding Legal Responsibility Under International Standards - A The Legal Framework Before the Enactment of the Law of Justice and Peace - B The American Convention on Human Rights and its Significance - C The Inter-American Court of Human Rights: A Few "Open Doors" - 1 The Masacre de Mapiripán Case - 2 The Barrios Alto Case -...
... presidents have failed to hold paramilitary human rights violators accountable for their behav..., for decades, Colombia's legitimate armed forces have often coordinated with Colombia's paramilitar...
The Bqjayá massacre, as the event has come to be known, was one of the worst mass murders in the history of Colombia's 40-plus-year civil war conflict. Some 119 Afro Colombians were killed on May 2, 2002, when Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (PARC) guerrillas dropped a homemade mortar bomb onto the San Pablo Apóstol church in Bojayá. On April 26,2002-a full eight days before the massacre-Colombia's ombudsman (Defensoria del Pueblo) visited the area and warned the Ministry of Defense about the dangers of combat in the highly populated area. A large portion of the Choco region is controlled by United Self Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) paramilitary troops, who tend to have government support in their efforts to defeat the FARC. But in 2002, FARC incursions into the area had been ...
With time running out on this year's legislative calendar, President Bush has sent the Colombia Free Trade Agreement to Congress. The trade deal deserves to be approved for four very big reasons. First, the trade pact effectively levels the playing field by providing much greater benefits to U.S. exporters, which face high tariffs, than it gives to Colombia, whose products already arrive in the United States with very few restrictions. Second, in a South American region that has moved decidedly leftward in recent years - e.g., Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador - Colombia remains our strongest ally on the continent. Third, with an expanding economy and a population of 44 million, Colombia has South America's second- largest number of consumers whose demand for unrestricted U.S. industrial, ...
[...] they behave like the old AUC blocs, often announcing their arrival with threatening messages, like the e-mail quoted above, as well as flyers and graffiti. [...] the Colombian government's "peace process" was not merely a failure, but pure farce.
... organization, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), was complete. Until then, the A...
... irregular organizations, often paramilitary in nature, which carry out extrajudicial execution... recent study of paramilitary forces in Colombia, and U.S. involvement in sustaining them, see Will...
The Colombian government's efforts to disarm paramilitary groups got a legitimacy boost last week, when the Organization of American States (OAS) said it would monitor the process. The move by the OAS introduces a new dynamic and momentum to an initiative that has been criticized by both human-rights groups and right-wing Colombian legislators. OAS Secretary-General Cesar Gaviria took a personal risk by agreeing to have the OAS monitor the process, since he agreed to do so without consulting the 35 OAS member states. Mr. Gaviria should be commended for making himself, rather than the OAS, the lightning rod for controversy. Demobilization initiatives are a valid strategy for ending bloody conflict, but invariably entail some kind of forbearance for individuals who have committed horrible...
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