[...] the United States should support Muslim reformists and liberal intellectuals who are considered credible and authentic within the Muslim societies, irrespective of their political leanings (pro-Western or not). [...] there is clearly a dearth of progressive publishers in many Muslim states, whereas conservative and extremist writers (religious as well as political) have many avenues to get their works published. [...] there is an urgent need to encourage expansion of progressive and liberal publishing houses in Muslim states.
There has probably never been an era in history when intellectuals have played a larger role in society. When intellectuals who generate ideas are surrounded by a wide range of others who disseminate those ideas -- whether as journalists, teachers, staffers to legislators or clerks to judges -- the influence of intellectuals on the way a society evolves can be huge. Trying for years to understand the nature of that influence eventually led me to write the book "Intellectuals and Society," which has just been published. Intellectuals generate ideas, and ideas matter, whether those ideas are right or wrong, and they matter far beyond the small segment of society comprised of intellectuals. Ideas affect the fate of whole nations and civilizations. Nowhere is that more true than in our own ...
This article considers how Arab intellectuals represent the United States and American foreign policy in their editorial contributions to Arabic newspapers. As a case study, it examines Arab intellectuals' reactions to the George W. Bush Administration's campaign to effect democratic change in the Middle East, as articulated in the Administration's 2004 Greater Middle East Initiative (hereafter GMEI or Initiative). I argue that the predominantly hostile reactions to the GMEI stemmed mainly from a closed and negative image of the United States permeating Arab intellectual circles. This negative image is the product of the history of American policy towards the region and, equally important, of the beliefs, values, and formative experiences of Arab intellectuals. The article concludes by ...
Friedman cites historian Stephen J. Whitfield's observation that, among neocons, there has been "an unabashed proclivity for intellectualism." That, states Friedman, may be what is Jewish about Jewish conservatism. Irving Kristol, the "father" of neoconservatism, defined a neoconservative as "a liberal who has been mugged by reality." Unlike traditional conservatives, who look back nostalgically to a pastoral America of small towns, the neoconservatives are at home in the modern industrial world. Although increasingly critical of governmental solutions to problems, the "neocons" are not hostile to government itself, particularly programs such as Social Security. It is in the area of foreign policy that the neocons have become controversial, principally because of the war in Iraq. Jewish...
More than 100 leading Saudi academics and activists urged King Abdullah to enact sweeping reforms, including setting up a constitutional monarchy, and he ordered Sunday that government sector workers with temporary contracts be given permanent jobs to pre-empt the unrest that has engulfed other Arab nations. The activists' statement, seen on several Saudi websites Sunday, reflects the undercurrent of tension that has simmered for years in the world's largest oil producer. While Abdullah is seen as a reformer, the pace of those reforms has been slow as Saudi officials balance the need to push the country forward with the perennial pressure from hard-line clergy in the conservative nation.
The concept of a legal right to privacy existed long before 1890 when Samuel D. Warren and Louis D. Brandeis published their much-acclaimed Harvard Law Review article advocating tort liability for invasions of privacy by publication. A number of writers and public intellectuals had already dramatized a need for protecting people from the prying of the press. Their essays upheld Victorian social standards and typically assigned blame to commercial pressures on journalists to satisfy public appetites. Attempting to resolve a conflict between civility and civil liberties, they either endorsed as much self-regulation as possible or called for a legal remedy. Nineteenth-century privacy advocates raised issues of audience tastes and media ethics that remain contentious today.
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