Prison "was never a tool to fight crime. It is an instrument to manage deprived and dishonored populations, which is quite a different task," says Loic Wacquant, a renowned ethnographer and social theorist who teaches at the University of California at Berkeley. Still, speaking by e-mail, Wacquant warns that the journey between slavery and mass incarceration must include two other "peculiar" institutions created to define and confine Blacks; "Jim Crow and the urban ghetto." Now, he says, "in the post-civil rights era, the penal system has gradually been recast to mean Black-and increasingly, Latino. The explosive prison growth of the past 30 years didn't happen by accident, and it wasn't driven primarily by crime rates or broad social and economic forces beyond the reach of state gove...
The key question is: what has caused prison sentences in the U.S. in the last four decades to become - in the words of criminologist Michael Tonry - "far harsher than in any country to which the United States would ordinarily be compared"?6 The standard response is to blame politicians. [...]the Economist, after noting that the U.S. incarceration rate has quadrupled since 1970, explains that since then, ... the voters, alarmed at a surge in violent crime, have demanded fiercer sentences. On the contrary, they tend to get harder.7 Certainly, horrifying crimes have often led the public to demand tougher sentencing laws. [...]the killing of Jenna Grieshaber in New York by a parolee led to the passage of "Jenna's law," which requires that those convicted of violent offenses serve 85 perc...
The U.S. incarceration rate, one of the highest in the world, has left many families on a seemingly endless cycle of social and financial problems. Young black men seem to be at greatest risk. Why are so many U.S. families trapped in poverty? Of all the explanations offered by Washington's politicians and economists, one seems particularly obvious in the low-income neighborhoods near the Capitol: because there are so many parents like Carl Harris and Charlene Hamilton.
For more than 30 years, the primary mechanism for crime fighting in the United States has focused on building and expanding the capacity of our prison systems -- a phenomenon visible at federal, state and local government levels (with more cells and larger budgets). As scientists, we can spout endless grim statistics -- the United States incarcerates more people per capita than any other country, including Russia and China; one in 23 American adults ages 18 to 65 is on probation or parole; one in 28 children has a parent behind bars; and a male born today is likely to be involved in the justice system at alarming rates, including one in three African-Americans, one in six Hispanics and one in 13 Caucasians. This translates into a runaway incarceration system that does not det...
The incarceration of African Americans is not a phenomenon that occurred post civil rights era but has been a practical fact of criminal justice administration since data on incarceration have been kept. Before crack cocaine and three strikes; before the rise of the federal sentencing guidelines and get tough on crime movement; before the 100:1 crack to powder cocaine ratio in federal sentencing; before the war on drugs; before the war on poverty and the welfare state; before the increase in African American children born out of wedlock and the rise of single female head of households; before the world wars; and even before the revolutionary war - African Americans have been disproportionately incarcerated in the United States. The achievement of an African American President and an Afr...
[...] we have adopted a series of sentencing priorities that focus on locking up repeat offenders for longer and longer terms. Drug users are the people who are filling the Missouri penitentiary system, 13% of people in the Missouri penitentiaries are there for a direct drug conviction, 20% are there because of a probation violation for drugs, and 41% had active substance abuse when they showed up for incarceration. [...] 74% of the people in Missouri prisons are there because of a drug related condition.
The "police powers" of the public health authority give unique capabilities to government officials tasked with providing for the health of human populations. This paper reviews the application of terms such as "incarceration," "isolation," "quarantine," and "social distancing" in the context of public health. Historical examples are provided to demonstrate how incarceration continues as a component of programs to control multi-drug resistant tuberculosis and other infectious diseases. The expanding authority of the federal government to incarcerate the innocent is also discussed.
Custody of inmates should include an in-depth assessment that reveals an individual's social, economic, educational, family, health, substance abuse, and mental health issues as well as learning disabilities, prior criminality, and other variables that indicate where positive steps can be taken to bring about constructive change. If changing inmate behavior and actions and reducing recidivism are the goals, jails must not be treated solely as entities of punishment. [...]its causes are addressed, crime in all its manifestations will persist. [...]it seems that the true cost of crime, and the extent of any cost-saving opportunity, are unknown. * Each agency executes what it is trained to do, which is well and good; however, agencies need to share information, perhaps employing technol...
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